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One might conclude wrongly that a movement called Black Lives Matter , would focus on the entire scope of issues that affect black lives, in the same way that we might conclude that Americans for Prosperity fights for all Americans seeking prosperity.

The other narrative being advanced by the conservative right is the story that violence in our inner cities is the result of inaction among the community most affected by it, and that this inaction is the result of trait deficiencies among the black community at large.

It is a failure of will to address violence in their communities. The message to black America is clear: Get your shit together.

As one of the more formidable human rights and social justice advocacy groups in this country, is there merit to this charge by conservative media of irrelevancy?

And in fact they do. Perhaps you also missed the story of how the BLM movement has successfully altered the national conversation on race, toward more acceptance of, and outrage against, racial injustices in our criminal justice system?

As an ironic aside, the other major news story of the day was of an active shooter on the site of a Planned Parenthood in Colorado Springs, Colorado, in which yet another angst-ridden white man shot up yet another public space this time an abortion clinic , killing five people, including one police officer.

The Black Lives Matter movement should not be expected to address every single issue affecting the black community, nor more than the NRA should be expected to address every single issue affecting gun owners.

More importantly, the BLM movement should not be constantly berated, belittled, and bedazzled by right-wing media for ignoring issues lying farther afield from its focus on racial injustice in the criminal justice system, especially when they are, in fact, involved in coalition efforts to address these issues as well.

You can check out Black Lives Matter for yourself, and form your own opinion. But as you ruminate, make sure the questions you ask yourself are the right ones — and not just a pre-packaged question set shoved down your throat by politically-conservative, corporate media.

Friday, December 12, Justness in Justice:. Lessons from Ferguson and Facebook. In November-December of , a string of police killings of unarmed black men were brought into the media spotlight, raising long-standing justice issues involving the unequal treatment of poor, young, urban, black males by law enforcement.

The events that led to these protests, at least initially, were two incidents where discretionary action by police led to the death of two unarmed black men under questionable circumstances.

The first shooting, Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, sparked the national protests, but was ultimately confounded by Grand Jury trial evidence that made it pretty clear that Brown was at least partly culpable in the events that led up to his shooting.

In this case, despite 16 of 29 eyewitnesses testifying that Brown had his hands up at the time of the shooting, other forensic evidence seemed to suggest that his hands were down, and that he was shot while rushing the police officer after a scuffle in the squad car moments prior.

Although Grand Jury evidence was made public in this case, the evidence was mixed and we were left with vagaries and uncertainty about what actually happened, and whether or not the officer had no choice but to shoot and kill this man.

What is undisputed, however, is that Brown was unarmed when shot by the officer. Protests, violence and looting ensued in Ferguson in the days that followed a Grand Jury decision not to indict the officer, which served as the flashpoint for later national protests and the widening cultural divide that seemed to take on a life of its own.

In this case, unlike the Brown incident, the man was clearly undeserving of the police aggressiveness that led to his death. Although the specific circumstances in each of these cases remains clouded by incongruent evidence, disinformation and political innuendo, germinated by both social and mass media, protester rage has since settled in on a cry for sweeping reforms of the criminal justice system, toward policing policies and practices that promote racial fairness, and which hold police accountable when confronting citizens, particularly African-Americans and people of color, who have historically faced far greater mistreatment at the hands of law enforcement, for reasons not entirely related to just race.

I recently posted a series of articles and video pertaining to the Brown and Garner cases to myFacebook page and offered, what I thought, were rather benign remarks about the incidents, suggesting that these cases, as shrouded in controversy as they were, were emblematic of larger, historical injustices toward blacks, and that we should use the protests as an opportunity to have a national dialogue about racial discrimination in the criminal justice system.

My plan was to start such a conversation on my FB page. You guessed it, I was verbally lambasted by a small but tenacious hoard of FB friends who were livid that I had racialized these two police shootings when, in point of fact, there was no racial dimension to these incidents at all!

I not-so-calmly challenged that notion, cited some well-known books and research, provided data and statistics, and even posted a bibliography of over 1, peer-reviewed sociological studies that have shown ubiquitous racial discrimination in the criminal justice system over the past few decades See bibliography, ASA.

The rants, which I also fueled with my own indignant commentary and several of my own unverified statistics, infographics and news sources , lasted for weeks, with one particular thread exceeding posts!

It was explained to me that liberals will make a race issue out of anything, as a political strategy, and that the preponderance of evidence most clearly showed that neither the Brown or Garner shootings were racially motivated in any way.

These challenges to my pre-existing conviction that justice is not colorblind were sometimes compelling, occasionally backed up with a reasoned argument and methodologically sound evidence, and I was forced to reconsider some of my own bias about racial bias.

But because I have worked, studied and taught in the field of criminology and delinquency for the past 25 years, I am also aware that there is widespread consensus among criminologists, legal experts, judges, and other practitioners in criminal justice, including a good deal of agreement among law enforcement itself, that racism penetrates the criminal justice system as much as it does in any of our other social institutions.

Why should we be surprised to learn this? Tribalism is in our evolutionary biology , and it plays out in all our social interactions, including when the police patrol minority neighborhoods.

Our cognitive tendency to group people into perceived categories has been well established in neuroscience and social psychology, and can be easily demonstrated using the Harvard Implicit Association Test.

Our evolutionary ancestors needed fast, reliable ways to quickly assess potentially dangerous threats, and to be more efficient information processors.

This trait is expressed in our genes as an evolutionary adaptation for survival in sketchy environments, so why should we be surprised to learn that this trait manifests itself in our daily encounters with diverse others, including with young black males in sketchy environments?

Surely this is one reason why a young white girl playing with a toy gun in a white suburban playground is at virtually no risk for police intervention, while a young black boy might very well be shot by police in that same playground.

Still, many people — especially white people — refuse to acknowledge that the criminal justice system is in any way racist in its practices , particularly in law enforcement where emotions run high if you suggest that a cop had real racist intent when he accidentally choked a black man to death, or shot a year old black boy with a toy gun in the park, or tazed a black man to death who resisted because they had the wrong guy, or when cops shoot and kill a black man at Walmart as he was holding a BB gun in the department that sells BB guns , or when they shoot and kill an unarmed black man who was on his doorstep bringing dinner to his family , or when a black man is tazed to death while handcuffed and lying on the ground , or when… it goes on and on.

Not one of these stories, however, can be taken as clear evidence of racism in policing. The specific circumstances of each incident always calls into question whether police force was necessary, and the racist intent of the officer is almost impossible to prove.

And whites are also victims of police misconduct too. So no single incident, no matter how it might look, will ever be sufficient evidence of racism.

Racism is not one-dimensional, and intersects with being poor and underprivileged, and with other minority statuses, as Patricia Hill Collins points out in her classic essays on the matrix of domination , wherein racism, classism, and sexism all intersect in the lives of disenfranchised people, who are disproportionately minorities.

So racism at this level will always be debated, because it is rarely just about race. But racism has another level. There are two levels of racism, symbolic and institutional.

This is the kind of racism where we ascribe negative characteristics or personality traits to individuals based on a perceived racial inferiority of the race that person belongs to.

This kind of racism usually conjures up images of slavery, images of police brutalizing people of color during the early civil rights protests , the Ku Klux Klan, separate drinking fountains, and segregation in schools, but it also includes the modern day phenomena of hate crimes and white supremacy groups.

More importantly today, though, symbolic racism also includes a set of moral convictions about non-whites. Symbolic racism occurs when a traditional antiblack attitude is paired with a sense that blacks as a whole lack certain character traits that other Americans possess, such as personal responsibility and accountability.

In David O. Far from eradicated, but with a modern ideological makeover, this kind of racism remains deeply woven into the cultural fabric of our country, and leads to common forms of racial discrimination such as in the workplace, in our schools and, yes, in our criminal justice system.

But racism has a second, more insidious level, called institutional racism , which is racism at the policy level. This kind of racism happens because policies and practices sustain it, not because any single individual harbors deep rooted resentment toward a race of people.

No skinheads necessary. It is what sociologist, Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, calls racism without racists. Or not policing Wall Street with the same brutality or aggressive zeal that we police a street corner.

Or changing laws so that Grand Jury decisions do not disproportionately deny the rights of minorities and poor people due to the peculiar process where prosecutors collude with police in determining trials and length of sentence.

Or de-funding training and education for cops in diversity and conflict resolution, while stockpiling military-grade weaponry in these already tense neighborhoods.

These misguided and heavy-handed strategies by law enforcement have had mixed results at best, and often result in the same kind of crime they are ostensibly trying to deter , and do nothing to address root causes.

Worse yet, when policies and procedures promote it, police presence in these neighborhoods is seen as intrusive and punitive, establishing a culture of fear , a presumption of guilty , and distrust between police and the poor black communities they serve.

Over time, it can foster a negative community identity - a society of fugitives. Indicting an entire class of people — young, urban, black males — to a mere criminal profile should be a major concern to us all.

The problem is one of fairness. Whatever ideological, political or social divides exist in the American cultural milieu, one principle remains steady in our collective psyche — the principle that we should strive for equal chances for everyone, and that no group should be discriminated against because of race, income, gender, religion, disability, sexual orientation or political affiliation.

Such practices in criminal justice should be abhorred by all of us, because if justice can be applied unjustly — if there is no justness in justice — then justice has not truly been served, and a value of fairness for all is no longer a characteristic of the American system of criminal justice.

We are all ill-affected, and we are all culpable for the consequences. So whether you see this as primarily a class problem related to poverty, an inequality problem related to opportunity, or as a race problem, the important thing is that you see it as a problem.

The fact that most of us are not subject to these inner-city conditions and policing practices should not diminish our desire to see reform in criminal justice toward more level approaches, and approaches that work, without compromising our American values of fairness and equality.

But our values are obscured by our distance from these places. Friends Newest Active Popular. This website uses cookies from us and from third parties , like Google analytics.

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